02/06/2026 17:52 PM
AFRICAN COUNTRIES BEYOND ELECTIONS:
Why Do African Countries Need International Election Observers? The Challenge of Building Trusted Democratic Institutions.
by Dr Thomas Araya
AFRICAN COUNTRIES BEYOND ELECTIONS: Why Do African Countries Need International Election Observers? The Challenge of Building Trusted Democratic Institutions.
By Dr Thomas Araya.
Why Do African Countries Need International Election Observers? The Challenge of Building Trusted Democratic Institutions
Every election season across Africa brings a familiar scene. International election observers arrive from organizations such as the African Union, the United Nations, regional organizations, and various international democracy-support institutions. They monitor voter registration, campaign activities, polling stations, vote counting, and the announcement of election results. Their findings often influence how citizens, political parties, and the international community view the credibility of an election. This recurring practice raises an important question: If African countries are sovereign and independent states, why do they continue to rely on international observers to assess the integrity of their elections? More importantly, can they build their own institutions capable of assuring citizens that elections are free, fair, and credible?
The answer is yes. African countries possess the human talent, technical expertise, and administrative capacity necessary to conduct credible elections. The real challenge is not competence but trust. Democratic elections depend on institutions that citizens believe are impartial, independent, and accountable. Where such trust exists, election outcomes are generally accepted even by those who lose. Where trust is weak, every election becomes vulnerable to suspicion, dispute, and political instability.
International election observers are not invited because African citizens lack the ability to manage elections. Rather, observers are often viewed as independent witnesses whose presence may help strengthen public confidence in the electoral process. According to the United Nations, electoral assistance and observation are intended to support transparent, credible, and nationally sustainable electoral processes while helping countries establish democratic governance and public confidence in elections. (United Nations)
The primary role of election observers is not to run elections but to assess whether electoral processes comply with accepted democratic standards. Organizations involved in election observation evaluate voter registration systems, campaign environments, voting procedures, ballot counting, dispute resolution mechanisms, and the publication of results. Their assessments are intended to provide impartial information regarding the quality and integrity of the electoral process. (electionstandards.cartercenter.org)
Supporters of international observation argue that observers can help reduce opportunities for fraud, discourage voter intimidation, mitigate political tensions, and strengthen public confidence in elections. Observation missions frequently issue recommendations that help countries improve future electoral processes and strengthen democratic institutions. (Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
However, dependence on international observers should not become a permanent feature of democratic governance. A healthy democracy cannot rely indefinitely on external actors to validate its elections. The long-term legitimacy of any political system must come from trusted domestic institutions rather than foreign certification. Democracy becomes truly sustainable when citizens trust their own electoral commissions, courts, legislatures, media organizations, and civil society institutions.
One of the most overlooked aspects of electoral integrity is the role of domestic election observers. Research and practical experience demonstrate that local observers often possess a deeper understanding of their country’s political, social, and cultural context than international missions. Domestic observer groups monitor elections throughout the electoral cycle, not merely on election day, and play a critical role in identifying weaknesses, documenting irregularities, and advocating reforms. Their work contributes significantly to strengthening electoral democracy from within society itself. (EISA)
The central issue, therefore, is institutional development. Strong democratic systems require independent electoral commissions that administer elections without political interference. They require impartial courts capable of resolving electoral disputes fairly. They require professional public servants who implement election procedures according to law rather than political loyalty. They require independent media that provide accurate information and investigate allegations of misconduct. They also require active civil society organizations that educate citizens and monitor government actions.
Importantly, this challenge is not unique to Africa. Election observation is practiced across the world, including in established democracies. International observers have monitored elections in Europe, Latin America, Asia, and even the United States. The existence of election observation in these countries demonstrates that transparency and accountability are universal democratic concerns rather than uniquely African problems. (Georgetown Journal)
Ultimately, the goal of democratic development should not be to attract more international observers but to make them less necessary. The strongest democracies are not those that receive the most favorable reports from foreign observers; they are those whose citizens trust the institutions responsible for administering elections. When electoral commissions are independent, courts are impartial, laws are respected, and citizens believe that their votes matter, election outcomes gain legitimacy regardless of who wins or loses.
The future of democracy in Africa depends not on external validation but on the construction of strong domestic institutions grounded in the rule of law, transparency, accountability, and public trust. International observers can play a useful supporting role during periods of democratic transition or political uncertainty, but they cannot substitute for the hard work of institution-building. Lasting democratic legitimacy must ultimately come from within. When citizens trust their own institutions, elections become not merely a contest for power but a genuine expression of popular sovereignty and democratic self-government.
ሕጋዊ ትካላት፡ ንምህናጽ ጥዑይ ሃገረ-መንግስቲ።
Legal Institutions for a healthy State. (Snitna 01-Feb-2025) P1/4
Part-1 of 4:
Part-2 of 4:
Part-3 of 4:
Part-4 of 4:
See also more articles by Dr Thomas Araya
ካልኦት ብ'ዶ/ር ቶማስ ኣርኣያ ዝተጻሕፉ ጽሑፋትን ዝተዋህቡ ሰሚናራትን፡ ኣብ ታሕቲ ተወከሱ:-
See also Related / ምስዚ ዝተኣሳሰር ሓበሬታ፡-
- Snitna YouTube - ስኒትና ዩቱብ ቻነል።
- Snitna Network and Sinit Seminars Directory. ብ`ስኒትና ከምኡ`ውን ስኒት ዝተኻየዱ ሰሚናራት።
- Snitna FaceBook - ስኒትና ፌስቡክ።
- Sinit YouTube - ስኒት ዩቱብ ቻነል።
- ዘተ ንሓባራዊ ንቕሓት
Dialogue for Common Awareness
مجموعة الحوار للوعي المشترك - ሌላ ምስ
ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን ኤርትራ፡
Eritrean Political parties and Civic movements.s
مقدمة في الأحزاب السياسية والحركات المدنية الإريترية - BUILDING DEMOCRACY IN ERITREA - ህንጸት ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ بناء الديمقراطية في إريتريا
- ሕግን ሕብረተሰብን - Law and Society.
- ኣስተምህሮ፡ መስርሕ ምንዳፍ ቅዋም ኤርትራ - The Eritrean Constitution Making Process
Seminar by Dr Bereket Habte selassie. ኣስተምህሮ፡ ብ`ዶር. በረኸት ሃብተስላሰ። - ሲምፖዝዩም ኤርትራ (Eri-Platform: 2018 - 2020)
- ዋዕላ ህንጸት ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ Building Democracy in Eritrea Conference (Eritrea Focus: 2019 - 2020)
- Enough is enough! ይኣክል ምልኪ! ማዕበል ድምጺ ህዝቢ لقد طفح الكيل
- 1993, Eritrean independence referendum Results
ታሪኻዊ ውጽኢት ረፈረንዱም ኤርትራ 1993. - ሃገራዊ ቻርተር ኤርትራ - ኣብ 3ይ ጉባኤ ህ.ግ.ሓ.ኤ: ዝጸደቐ (ናቕፋ 10 - 16 ለካቲት 1994)።
- PFDJ NATIONAL CHARTER Adopted by the 3rd Congress of the EPLF/PFDJ Naqfa, February 10-16, 1994.
- ንዝኽሪ ግዳያት ዲክታቶሪያዊ ምሕደራ ኤርትራ። In memory of Victims of Dictatorial Administration in Eritrea.
- G-15:- ቅልዕቲ ወረቐት ናብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣገደስቲ እዋናውያን ጉዳያት፡ (ኣስመራ፡ ነሓሰ 3፡ 2001)
- G-15:-Open Letter To The People of Eritrea (Asmara, August 3, 2001)
- G-15:-ቅሉዕ መልእኽቲ ናብ ኩሎም ኣባላት ህግደፍ
- G-15:-Open Letter to All PFDJ Members (Audio) ቅሉዕ መልእኽቲ ናብ ኩሎም ኣባላት ህግደፍ (ብድምጺ)
- G-15:-Open Letter to All PFDJ Members
- GI: ህጹጽ ጻውዒት ንኹሎም ኣብ መላእ ኵርናዓት ዓለም ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን። An Urgent Call to All Eritreans Worldwide. المبادرة العالمية لتمكين الحركة الشعبية الاريترية
- ድምጽና (Our Voice)
- መደብ ንጋባእ ENGAGE ERITREA!
- Advice for All Eritreans ምኽሪ ንኹሎም ኤርትራውያን
- UN Human Rights Council - Human Rights in Eritrea (Website) / ናይ ውሕሃ ቤትምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት - ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ (Website)
- UN Human Rights Council - Human Rights in Eritrea (YouTube) / ናይ ውሕሃ ቤትምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት - ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ (YouTube)
- Human Rights in Eritrea / ኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ፡
- UN - Commission of inquiry on Eritrea / ናይ ውሕሃ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ፡
- Mike Smith / ሚስተር ማይክ ስሚዝ፡ ኣቦ ወንበር መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ፡
- Also see: "UN - COI on Eritrea / ናይ ውሕሃ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ፡
- UN COMMISSION OF INQUIRY ERITREA (COI-ERITREA) And POPULAR RESPONSES
- ጸብጻብ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ፡ ህዝባዊ ግብረ-መልሲን
- ጸብጻብ መርማሪት ኮምሽን ኵነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ – ዘይወግዓዊ ትርጉም (ብትግርኛ)

ብተወሳኺ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ዩቱብ ቻነል ዝወጽእ ሓበሬታ፡ ንመትከላት ማሕበራዊ መትከላት ዩቱብ (YouTube Community Guidelines)፡ እናኽበረ የውጽእ። ስኒትና፡ ብዝከኣሎ መጠን፡ ነዚ መትከላት'ዚን ናይ ሃገርና ኤርትራን ህዝባን ክዉንነትን ምርኩስ ገይሩ፡ ኣብ መርበብ ሓበሬታኡ ስኒትና (www.snitna.com) ክውጽእ ዝግብኦ ሓበሬታ እናመመየ ከውጽእ ይህቅንን ይጽዕርን። እዚ ስራሕዚ ምሉእ ዓወት ንክህልዎ ድማ ብዓቢኡ፡ ግቡእ ኣጠቓቕማ ተሳተፍቲን ምትሕብባርን ምስዝህሉ ኢዩ። ስለዚ፡ ነዚ መትከላት ዚ ንምኽባር ንኹሉ ተገልጋላይ'ዚ መርበብዚ ንጽውዕ። ዝኾነ ሃሳዪ ተርእዮታት ምስዘጋጥሙ፡ ቅሬታኹም ወይ ርእይቶኹም ብኢመይል ኣድራሻና ኣቢልኩም ክትልእኩልና ንላቦ።