Unchaining Eritrea: Breaking the Silence That Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea, Part I

13/04/2025 00:15 AM

UNCHAINING ERITREA:
Breaking the Silence That Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea.

Part I: The Weight of Silence: How Mass Acquiescence Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea?

By Dr. Gebre Gebremariam

Unchaining Eritrea: Breaking the Silence That Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea.
Dr. Gebre Gebremariam

Part I: The Weight of Silence: How Mass Acquiescence Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea?

As it is widely chronicled in the political economy literature, the history of modern Eritrea is a history of a long and arduous struggle for statehood, national identity, and socio-cultural and economic emancipations. In the first phase of this long struggle, generations of Eritreans collectively waged both peaceful and armed struggle against successive colonial powers and secured Eritrea's de facto and de jure independence in 1991 and 1993, respectively. The second phase of the struggle was/is geared towards nation building and the construction of a democratic developmental state that commits itself to rapid, balanced, dynamic and sustainable economic growth and socio-cultural emancipation. Not long after independence (particularly post 1997), what followed, however, was political predation and consequently the process of nation building and the democratization of Eritrea was thwarted by a group of ruthless predatory dictators. As a result, the noble objectives of the liberation struggle were subverted for personal power and aggrandizements of these few unscrupulous predators. Generally, the Eritrean state over the last 30 plus years can only be characterized as a predatory state ruled by a predatory dictatorial regime that preys on the Eritrean people.

The predatory regime maintains its dominance and controls all aspects of Eritrean life (political, social, economic, cultural, etc.) using repressive ideology, policies and laws, and overtime it evolved to become an absolutist and extractive entity. The regime has essentially created a persistent “vicious cycle”. The cycle involves a powerful process of negative feedback whereby extractive political institutions forge extractive economic institutions that in turn create the optimal conditions for extractive political institutions to persist. Extractive economic institutions thus naturally accompany extractive political institutions and there is a strong synergy between the two. In the political sphere, such a predatory and dictatorial power structure continues suffocating the political space in Eritrea and eliminating many political figures. And in the socio-economic sphere, the basic economic resources, such as land, labor, capital and natural resources, are mainly under the control of the regime and Eritrean citizens’ rights for economic freedom (to freely engage in exchange and contract) have been severely compromised.

Today, it can be said that the Eritrean predatory state has failed to provide not only basic public goods such as defense, law and order, property rights, public health (potable water and sewage disposal), macroeconomic stability, and protection of the destitute, but also intermediate public functions such as transport and communications, adequate schools, hospitals, roads, harbors, rail infrastructure, sanitation facilities, electricity, irrigation facilities, pollution control, pension, family allowances, and health, life, and unemployment insurance. Such a vicious cycle of declining legitimacy, fiscal mismanagement, and the ever-growing erosion of socio-economic condition because of decline in public services and denial of fundamental rights and freedoms are contributing to the country’s economic decay, political instability and “social anomie”.

I am an economist by training and by profession and in the field of economics one of the fundamental assumptions we make is the “rationality” assumption – economic agents are assumed to be rational, and they know and do what is good for them. When the Eritrean people fought successive colonial powers and paid huge sacrifices to secure its independence, it knew that the fruits of liberation far exceed the cost of the struggle – it was a rational decision. As it is customary to happen in similar circumstances, after the independence of Eritrea, the Eritrean public expected Eritrean political leaders to engage all sections of the Eritrean society in a national debate on nation building and state construction. At minimum, they were expected to create a more efficient governance structure and resource allocation system that could guarantee individuals the right to economic freedom - to freely engage in exchange and contract. As explained above, the fruits of liberation, however, were not achieved and instead what the Eritrean people got is a complete socio-economic and political decay. Under the rationality assumption, you would expect the Eritrean people to fight back against this utter betrayal of the highest order of an innocent people who paid huge price in blood and treasure to secure its self-determination as a sovereign people and country. The struggle against the predatory regime of Issaias is not only week but there exists a pervasive mass silence. What is going on? Does the Eritrean people lose its rationality? Is there a societal stupidity? Or are the Eritrean people practicing “voluntary servitude”, the kind of what Etienne de la Boetie in the 16th century described? Or we don’t know yet? In any case, it seems anomaly and let’s try to understand and explain how Issaias was able to create and triumph on this anomaly.

First let’s acknowledge that the persistence of one of the world's most hermetic and repressive dictatorships in Eritrea presents a profound and often deeply misunderstood tragedy. As indicated above, for over three decades since formal independence, the regime led by Issaias Afeworki and his People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) has maintained an iron grip, characterized by the absence of constitutional governance, systematic human rights abuses, and the indefinite conscription of its youth. Attributing this enduring autocracy to a vague notion of "societal stupidity" is not only cruelly simplistic but fundamentally ignores the complex historical forces and deliberate manipulations at play. A more accurate and insightful lens reveals a phenomenon of pervasive mass silence – a collective quietude born not of ignorance or inherent deficiency, but meticulously cultivated through historical reverence, weaponized nationalism, crippling fear, and suffocating information control. This silence found its deepest roots in the very liberation struggle that birthed the nation, a crucible where Issaias Afeworki masterfully manipulated the genuine idealism of innocent freedom fighters and the desperate hopes of the Eritrean peasantry, effectively cloaking his consolidation of absolute power behind the sacred curtain of the fight for independence.

The Eritrean struggle against successive Ethiopian regimes was an epic feat of resilience and determination, spanning thirty grueling years of armed resistance and over 50 years of political activism. It forged a unique national identity steeped in sacrifice, unity, and an unwavering commitment to self-determination. Within this intense environment, and particularly during the last 10 plus years of the liberation era, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), under Issaias Afeworki’s increasingly centralized leadership, emerged as the dominant and ultimately victorious force. The very nature of protracted guerrilla warfare demanded extraordinary levels of discipline, secrecy, and loyalty. Survival often depended on absolute obedience to command structures and the suppression of internal disagreements that could be exploited by the enemy. This necessary military ethos, however, provided fertile ground for Issaias to systematically concentrate power. He cultivated a cult of personality, positioning himself as the indispensable strategist and embodiment of the revolution's will. The seed of autocratic and dictatorial rule in the independent would-be Eritrea was sowed.

The thousands of young Eritreans who flocked to the liberation struggle including to the EPLF ranks, known as Tegadelti, were driven by a potent mix of patriotism, idealism, and a rejection of Ethiopian oppression. Many were students, farmers, and workers who sacrificed education, family, and personal futures for the collective dream of a free Eritrea. This inherent innocence of purpose, this profound belief in the righteousness of their cause, made them susceptible to manipulation. They endured unimaginable hardship, witnessing comrades fall and dedicating their youth to the front lines, placing immense faith in the leadership guiding them through the darkness. Critical questioning of internal EPLF power dynamics or Isaias’s methods was often discouraged, subtly or overtly framed as detrimental to unity, a dangerous luxury when facing a powerful adversary. Loyalty to the cause blurred seamlessly into loyalty to the leader, a dynamic Issaias expertly exploited – the asymmetry between the innocence of purpose of the Tegadelti and the Machiavellian shrewdness of Issaias helped the later tremendously.

The internal culture of the EPLF, while fostering incredible battlefield cohesion, simultaneously laid the groundwork for post-independence authoritarianism. Issaias Afeworki proved adept at neutralizing potential rivals and silencing dissenting voices within the Front long before independence was achieved. Internal purges, ideological crackdowns, and the marginalization of those perceived as challenging his authority were recurring themes, often justified under the rubric of maintaining revolutionary discipline or countering factionalism – the eliminations of the Menkae, and the Yemin movements, are but a few examples Rank-and-file fighters, preoccupied with daily survival and the external enemy, often had limited visibility into these high-level power struggles or accepted the official explanations provided by the leadership they trusted. The intense camaraderie, forged in shared suffering and sacrifice, created powerful bonds but also reinforced conformity. Stepping out of line risked not just disciplinary action but potential ostracization from the collective body that provided identity and purpose. The "curtain of struggle," therefore, served a dual purpose: it unified fighters against the external foe while simultaneously obscuring the internal mechanisms by which Issaias was cementing his undisputed control, transforming military necessity into a tool for political dominance. This kind of unorthodoxy strategy of social isolations and ostracizations was not limited to the field (among Tegadelti) but also widely practiced among Eritrean communities in the diaspora, and it is still practiced to this day.

Parallel to the manipulation of the fighters was the cultivation of profound loyalty among the Eritrean peasantries. Constituting most of the population, rural communities bore the brunt of Ethiopian repression and pinned their hopes for liberation on the Eritrean Liberation Fronts in general, and during the last 10 plus years of the liberation era squarely on the EPLF. The Fronts operated deep within these communities, relying on them for sustenance, intelligence, shelter, and new recruits. They, the Fronts, in turn, often provided rudimentary healthcare, education, and a semblance of order and justice in the liberated zones, alongside promises of land reform and a dignified future free from oppression. This symbiotic relationship fostered deep-seated gratitude and deference towards, for instance, the EPLF leadership, particularly towards Issaias as its figurehead. The peasantry viewed the tegadelti and their commanders not as politicians vying for power, but as heroic liberators enacting the people's will. Their understanding of internal EPLF politics was naturally limited, their focus fixed on the immediate goal of ending the war and achieving freedom. This reservoir of trust and goodwill, earned through tangible actions and shared sacrifice during the struggle, created a foundation of popular legitimacy that would prove immensely valuable to Issaias in the post-independence era, making the population less inclined to question his authority once victory was secured. The narrative was simple and powerful: the EPLF, led by Isaias, had delivered them from bondage; questioning them was unthinkable.

For genuine reasons, the dawn of independence in 1991 (formally recognized in 1993) was met with unparalleled euphoria across Eritrea and its diaspora. Decades of struggle had culminated in victory, and the nation pulsed with hope and national pride. Issaias Afeworki, the victorious commander, transitioned seamlessly into the role of national leader, enveloped in an aura of near-mythic reverence. The Eritrean people innocently believed that he was the architect of freedom, the guarantor of sovereignty. In this intoxicating atmosphere, calls for immediate democratic reforms, constitutional implementation, or political pluralism seemed almost discordant, even ungrateful. The prevailing sentiment, actively encouraged by the PFDJ, was that the nation needed unity, stability, and time to heal and rebuild after the ravages of war. The silence during this critical transitional period was largely one of hopeful differences. Former fighters expected their sacrifices to translate into a just and democratic society but were told patience was paramount. The peasantry anticipated peace and prosperity under the leadership that had promised liberation. Sadly, and unfortunately, Issaias had an evil plan, and he was busy honing his tools of deceit and betrayal. He did not reciprocate the trust the public put on him – On the contrary, after the de fact independence of Eritrean in 1991, during one of his meeting with thousands of Tegadelti in the Kagnew Station in Asmara, he was heard telling the Tegadelti “Don’t trust the Eritrean people; if you do so, they (the people) will bury you 7 meters underground tomorrow (in the future)“. This statement of Issaias tells everything about his evil plan for the Eritrean people and now 30 plus years after, what we have in Eritrea is the result of the implementation of that evil plan. How was this made possible?

Well, Issaias skillfully exploited the grace period. The painstakingly drafted constitution, ratified in 1997 after extensive popular consultation, was shelved indefinitely, ostensibly due to looming threats and the need for national consolidation. Planned elections never materialized. Power became increasingly centralized within the PFDJ apparatus, which essentially merged with the state, and ultimately concentrated in Issaias’s hands. Institutions that could have provided checks and balances were either never established or systematically weakened. Criticism was subtly discouraged, framed as undermining the hard-won unity required for nation-building. The "curtain of struggle" narrative persisted: the fight was not truly over, vigilance was required, and the trusted leadership knew best how to navigate the treacherous path forward. Those who began to voice concerns found themselves increasingly isolated, their patriotism implicitly questioned.

The fragile hope that democratic transition might eventually occur was brutally shattered by the outbreak of the devastating border war with Ethiopia (1998-2000). This conflict, rooted in unresolved border demarcation issues but arguably inflamed by leadership tensions (it was Issaias’ war making agenda), provided Issaias with the ultimate pretext to solidify his autocratic rule and extinguish remaining dissent. The war allowed the regime to declare a state of emergency, effectively suspending any lingering political liberties. Most significantly, it provided the justification for the policy of indefinite national service, condemning generations of young Eritreans to open-ended military conscription and forced labor under the guise of perpetual national defense. The war also served as the backdrop for the infamous crackdown on the "G-15," a group of high-ranking PFDJ officials and former liberation heroes who published an open letter in 2001 criticizing Isaias's rule and demanding the implementation of the constitution. Their swift arrest and disappearance without trial sent a chilling message throughout society: no one was immune, and dissent, even from within the highest echelons of the revolution, would be met with ruthless force. The war and its aftermath decisively transformed the nature of the silence – shifting it from deference and manipulated hope towards a silence enforced by stark terror. This has been a game changer and this terror-induced silences have become the new normal among Eritrean families, and communities, including those in the Diaspora.

Since the turn of the millennium, the Eritrean regime has perfected the mechanisms of maintaining this fear-induced silence. A pervasive domestic surveillance network, utilizing family members, and neighborhood spies and informants, ensures that citizens feel constantly watched. Arbitrary arrests, often occurring in the dead of night, indefinite detentions in a vast network of secret prisons notorious for inhumane conditions and torture (like the infamous Eiraeiro) and enforced disappearances have become endemic. This systematic state terror atomizes society, shattering trust between individuals, neighbors, and even family members. Open discussion of politics or criticism of the regime is incredibly risky, driving dissent underground or silencing it altogether. The rational calculation for most Eritreans becomes one of survival: silence is safer than speaking out and risking unimaginable consequences for oneself and one's family. This paralysis of fear, deliberately cultivated by the state, prevents the formation of organized opposition and ensures the regime's longevity by neutralizing potential challenges before they can coalesce.

This climate of fear is buttressed by the regime's absolute monopoly over information. All independent media outlets were shut down in 2001. The state controls television, radio, and print media, disseminating a constant stream of propaganda that glorifies Isaias, demonizes perceived enemies (both internal and external), and justifies the government's repressive policies. Access to the internet is severely restricted, expensive, and heavily monitored. This information vacuum creates an echo chamber, making it extremely difficult for citizens to access alternative perspectives, verify facts, or develop a critical understanding of their own situation or the outside world. Younger generations, for the most part, have grown up knowing only the state's narrative, further entrenching silence by limiting the conceptual tools needed for critique. While many Eritreans, particularly those with connections to the diaspora, are aware of the regime's nature, the lack of accessible, reliable information within the country hinders the development of a shared understanding and collective consciousness necessary for challenging the status quo. Furthermore, the regime uses social media for misinformation and disinformation campaigns. To his end, it has recruited armies of Youtubers, Facebookers, TikTokers, website owners, etc. who take assignments from the regime and constantly disseminate the regime’s propaganda, narration, misinformation and disinformation.

In conclusion, the enduring dictatorship in Eritrea is not a product of the "stupidity" of its people, but the outcome of a sophisticated and ruthless strategy of manipulation and repression, deeply rooted in the nation's history. Issaias Afeworki masterfully exploited the idealism and sacrifices of the liberation struggle, manipulating innocent freedom fighters and a hopeful peasantry by cloaking his ambition behind the sacred curtain of national liberation. The reverence earned during the war was leveraged to demand deference after independence, and subsequent crises, particularly the border war, were weaponized to justify the permanent suspension of rights and the violent elimination of dissent. The resulting mass silence is a complex tapestry woven from threads of historical loyalty, manipulated patriotism, pervasive state terror, and profound information scarcity. It is a silence born of calculation and fear, not complicity or ignorance. The tragedy of Eritrea lies poignantly in how the very struggle for freedom was subverted by its leader to forge the chains of a new oppression, leaving a nation shrouded in a silence imposed by the long shadow of its own liberator. Breaking this silence remains the monumental task facing those who still dream of the free and democratic Eritrea for which so many originally fought and died. Part II will deal on how these chains of mass silences can be broken with the aim of unseating the regime and enhancing democratic transition in Eritrea.

Read in PDF Here.

Read Part I here

Read Part II here

See also more articles from Dr Gebre Gebremariam:

Global Policy / መትከላት

Snitna: Code of Conduct — መርበብ ሓበሬታና ዝምራሓሉ መትከላት

ስኒትና.ኮም (www.snitna.com)፡ ነቲ ኣብ 1936 ዝወጸ መትከላት ጋዜጠኝነት (UK and Irish journalism): ከምኡውን ንመትከላት ሃገራዊ ማሕበር ጋዜጠኛታት (National Union of Journalists (NUJ)፡ የኽብር። Snitna Policy Code Asset Logo ብተወሳኺ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ዩቱብ ቻነል ዝወጽእ ሓበሬታ፡ ንመትከላት ማሕበራዊ መትከላት ዩቱብ (YouTube Community Guidelines)፡ እናኽበረ የውጽእ። ስኒትና፡ ብዝከኣሎ መጠን፡ ነዚ መትከላት'ዚን ናይ ሃገርና ኤርትራን ህዝባን ክዉንነትን ምርኩስ ገይሩ፡ ኣብ መርበብ ሓበሬታኡ ስኒትና (www.snitna.com) ክውጽእ ዝግብኦ ሓበሬታ እናመመየ ከውጽእ ይህቅንን ይጽዕርን። እዚ ስራሕዚ ምሉእ ዓወት ንክህልዎ ድማ ብዓቢኡ፡ ግቡእ ኣጠቓቕማ ተሳተፍቲን ምትሕብባርን ምስዝህሉ ኢዩ። ስለዚ፡ ነዚ መትከላት ዚ ንምኽባር ንኹሉ ተገልጋላይ'ዚ መርበብዚ ንጽውዕ። ዝኾነ ሃሳዪ ተርእዮታት ምስዘጋጥሙ፡ ቅሬታኹም ወይ ርእይቶኹም ብኢመይል ኣድራሻና ኣቢልኩም ክትልእኩልና ንላቦ። Read more

See also Related / ምስዚ ዝተኣሳሰር ሓበሬታ፡-

UNCHAINING ERITREA: Breaking the Silence That Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea.

Part I: The Weight of Silence: How Mass Acquiescence Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea?

By Dr. Gebre Gebremariam

Snitna: Code of Conduct — መርበብ ሓበሬታና ዝምራሓሉ መትከላት

UNCHAINING ERITREA:
Breaking the Silence That Enabled Dictatorship in Eritrea.